Why Recycling is an Energy Policy

Recycling Saves Energy - poster from NCDENR</ins>More than three-quarters of all Americans recycle, and on the East and West Coasts, nearly 90% do. But although virtually everyone agrees that recycling is good for the environment, most people do not think of recycling as a solution for one of today’s biggest problems – energy dependence on climate-disrupting fossil fuels. A closer look reveals that recycling can play a serious role in reducing energy use and increasing efficiency.

Recycling delivers a host of environmental benefits, including conserving scarce natural resources, keeping dangerous and toxic chemicals out of landfills where they can leach into the groundwater, and reducing methane emissions from landfills. In spite of these benefits, recycling has always had its detractors. In a notorious 1996 New York Times Magazine article, staff writer John Tierney argued that recycling programs wasted more resources than they saved. That turns out to be a spurious argument, but it is closer to true if the only averted costs considered are those associated with collecting garbage and hauling it to landfills (although, it seems fair to mention that no one has ever criticized garbage collection for not paying for itself). But averted disposal costs are only a tiny slice of the savings generated from recycling. The big savings come in the form of energy.

Energy is used throughout the entire lifecycle of consumer products, from extracting and processing the raw materials used, manufacturing the products themselves, distributing those products to retailers, and of course, collecting and processing or disposing of products once consumers no longer find them useful. Those first two phases—extracting/processing raw materials and manufacturing—are by far the most energy intensive, and that is where recycling can deliver big reductions.

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How to Deal with Coal in Federal Legislation

In his state of the Union address, President Obama set a goal of generating 80 percent of US electricity from “clean energy sources” by 2035. President Obama was using a very inclusive definition of “clean energy sources”, leaving coal without carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) technology as the big loser. Obama provided no details of how the country could achieve this goal but left it to Congress to work it out. Any new Federal legislation that comes out of this goal should recognize that electricity markets differ by state, and each state has its own body of laws, regulations, and administrative decisions that govern electricity regulation. A flexible approach from Congress will enable further regulatory innovation by states, dampen the effects of market failures, and allow states to allocate costs to meet their current situations and long-term priorities.

The President was indirectly acknowledging that there are only two ways to significantly reduce CO2 emissions from electricity generation: either reduce the amount of electricity generated by coal combustion or capture and sequester the CO2 emitted by coal-fired plants. Coal combustion for electricity generation is responsible for approximately 30 percent of all U.S. greenhouse gas emissions. Within the electricity sector, coal is responsible for more than 80 percent of greenhouse gas emissions. While the percentage of all U.S. electricity that is generated by coal has decreased over the past 15 years, the total amount of coal combusted by the electricity industry has actually increased by 4 percent from 1996 to 2009, peaking at a 16 percent increase as compared to 1996 in 2007. Coal use is currently widespread throughout the country but concentrated in a handful of states.   (more…)

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Energy Security by the Numbers

Last spring the Institute for 21st Century Energy, a U.S. Chamber of Commerce affiliate, released The Index of U.S. Energy Security Risk, a report aimed at clarifying one of the most ambiguous buzz terms of the last several years: energy security.  Thrown around ad nauseam by politicians, the media, and scholars alike, any advancement in securing our energy sector has been overshadowed by an inability to determine what is meant by this vague, but important objective – begging the question, how can we protect something we have failed to define?

Our understanding of energy security has lacked clarity in part due to its conceptual complexity. All part of the popular lexicon, none of the descriptive terms often evoked in conversation (reliable, green, affordable, resilient, domestic, etc.) suffice as exhaustive definitions.  While it might be tempting to parse out favored adjectives and champion them as the most critical, promoting an oversimplified understanding of energy security only prohibits real progress toward achieving it, simultaneously condoning a public lack of awareness about energy and its global importance.  Toward the goal of influencing policy decisions to mitigate current risks and meet future energy needs, the Institute for 21st Century Energy constructed the most expansive attempt at quantifying energy security to date.

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Gas-Pipeline

It was Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau who once announced, “Canada is a country whose main exports are hockey players and cold fronts. Our main imports are baseball players and acid rain.”  Yet the head of state’s wry humor belies the significance of the U.S-Canadian relationship, and how this relationship is destined to shape – and to be shaped – by the posture that the United States takes towards the explosion of unconventional oil production occurring because of the Canadian oil sands.

Conventional wisdom would suggest that the prospect of a nearly 2,000 mile long pipeline between Canada and the United States, the TransCanada Corporation’s “Keystone XL” project, should be welcomed as a harbinger of closer ties and safer energy supplies.  Under the surface, however, lies a complex geopolitical and commercial logic that suggests it is Canadian producers – not American consumers – who stand to gain most from the project.

Our neighbor to the north will hardly ever receive the bursts of attention or scrutiny that Saudi Arabia or China garner in present times, but it is this bromidic consistency on Canada’s part which places it squarely, albeit quietly, as a foundation of US energy policy.  The US has been Canada’s largest market reaching back to the beginning of the Cold War, and the two are currently the world’s largest trading partners.  Canada has the world’s second largest oil reserves – after Saudi Arabia – and is the United States’ number one source of oil imports, almost doubling the volume of its closest competitor – Mexico.  In 2008, Canada provided 90% of US natural gas imports, and also boasts one of the world’s largest reserves of high-quality uranium.  Were the country anything other than a stable Western democracy sharing a similar colonial heritage with the United States, our deep interdependence with such an energy superpower might prove alarming.  Instead, it is often cited as a source of strength.

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Community solar is a concept that has lots of cheerleaders. And what’s not to love? At it’s best, this market-based deployment strategy can expand access to clean energy, create jobs, spur local investment, and help drive down the cost of solar panels.

But while the concept of community solar has had strong support from policymakers and clean energy advocates for several years, actual community solar projects have been slow to materialize. Now, two statewide community solar programs and a host of other new state and local policies to encourage community solar may be catalyzing a wave of new projects. Will the reality of community solar live up to the ideal?

Community Solar Spreads the Benefits and Rewards of Clean Energy Investment

Community energy carries all the environmental, economic, and national security benefits of clean energy in any form, but with a distinct advantage. A review of research by Northwest SEED suggests that community energy projects deliver 2-5 times the economic benefits of projects built by out-of-state investors. And, in places that import electricity from outside the area, community energy can also keep utility dollars in the community, with multiplier benefits for the local economy. Community energy provides distributed generation, with associated benefits such as increased system reliability and resilience, lower peak power requirements, minimal transmission requirements and reduced line losses.

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When President Obama recently made his first state visit to India, environmentalists and energy reformers were excited to see renewable energy cooperation on the agenda.  Yet, on further inspection, the scope of cooperation envisioned is narrow indeed.

On the occasion of this visit, President Obama announced the creation of a joint clean energy research and development center, with $5 million to be contributed annually by both the American and Indian governments over the next five years.  The center is to focus on improvements in energy efficiency, solar technology, and advanced biofuels.  This effort, limited though it may be, is to be applauded.

Yet, receiving less attention were agreements to expand U.S. and Indian cooperation on a number of fossil fuel related efforts. If we wish to take an optimistic approach to the recent visit, we will put aside the fact that this clean energy research and development center comes in tandem with an American promise to deploy the United States Geological Survey expertise in identifying potential sites for oil shale extraction.  We won’t dwell on the fact that oil shale contributes to significant environmental damage at the extractions site and increased particulate when burned, nor shall we recall that it is a high-carbon means of energy generation.  Most importantly, we shall disregard the exceptional demands that oil shale extraction would place on scarce water resources in an already very thirsty India.

We also won’t focus on the R&D centers stated focus on clean “clean coal” technologies.  We won’t question the long-term risks of captured and sequestered carbon seeping into the atmosphere should we fail to sequester as effectively as promised.  Nor will we wonder aloud whether we really ought to be turning to a type of coal generation that may well be more costly than many forms of alternative generation.

No.  We won’t dwell on any of the questionably “green” credentials of Indian-American energy cooperation.  Instead, we will merely pose a question. Is that really the best we can do?

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How U.S. Natural Gas Can Expand Safely

Experts and politicians agree that the mass deployment of renewable energy technologies are, due to persistently high costs and technological inefficiencies, many years away.  That does not mean, however, that the United States should not pursue policies to lower the costs and drive the deployment of technologies such as solar photovoltaic (PV) cells, wind turbines, and next generation batteries.

While pursuing those paths, the U.S. should promote the increased use of natural gas as a cleaner fossil fuel that can support the future transition to even cleaner technologies.  Before such a push in support of domestic natural gas exploration can be made, however, stricter regulations at the state and federal levels must be developed to ensure safer well construction, responsible water use in well drilling, wastewater management, and risk disclosure for homeowners living in proximity to natural gas deposits.

Natural gas already occupies a prominent position in the U.S. electricity production portfolio: according to a recent report by the Ground Water Protection Council and ALL Consulting, natural gas provided 22% of the electricity consumed in the U.S. in 2007.  Emitting almost 50% less carbon dioxide and 80% less carbon monoxide per unit than coal, natural gas is significantly cleaner than other fossil fuels.  The majority of natural gas consumed in the U.S. (84% in 2007) is produced domestically—making this fossil fuel a relatively secure resource.  Developments in exploration technologies, including hydraulic fracturing (to be discussed below) and horizontal drilling, have made previously inaccessible natural gas reserves recoverable.  These so-called “unconventional plays,” in which natural gas is trapped in shale formations or coal beds, are expected to produce an increasing proportion of the natural gas consumed in the U.S. and, as such, present the next battleground in the debate on environmental protection and energy development.

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Noah Rare EarthChina caused a stir in late October by expanding an existing embargo on rare earth metals to include the U.S. and other western nations. Although an infrequently discussed issue when it comes to energy policy, China’s monopoly of the rare earth metal production provides them yet another advantage in the clean energy race. Rare earth metals are vital to the development of clean energy technologies and therefore the future of clean energy in the U.S. As a result, it is imperative that future domestic energy policies include provisions for more secure and reliable acquisition of these metals.

Rare earth metals are actually not particularly “rare”, and consist of 17 minerals, many of which are used in clean energy technologies. Neodymium, a highly magnetic substance, is found in direct drive wind turbines, and metals such as gallium and indium are vital for photovoltaic panels.

China dominates the rare earth market by producing roughly 95 percent of the global supply, a monopoly which could be leveraged to provide Chinese clean-tech companies with considerable advantages. However, global rare earth metal resources are not as sharply skewed in favor of China.  According to the U.S. Geological Survey, China leads the world with 36 percent of global resources, and the U.S. follows with 13 percent. This vast discrepancy between global reserves and production, due mainly to the high fiscal and environmental costs of mining, fueled increasing concern amongst domestic and foreign leaders during the brief embargo.

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The success of the Tea party has been a constant focus of the media leading up to and in the wake of November’s election. The newly elected cohort of Tea Party-backed candidates is making its way to Washington, bringing a cause for joy among some Americans and despair for others. There may only be 39 new Tea Party candidates heading to Capitol Hill, which is a relatively small number given the size of Congress, but don’t let the numbers fool you. In the short amount of time since the election, Tea Party candidates have shown considerable influence within the Republican Party. Many uncertainties remain over the direction of public policy during the next term, but one thing is for certain, the small but feisty Tea Party minority cannot be ignored.

Several newly elected Senator’s owe their success to a Tea Party endorsement. An ABC article notes how this block consisting of newcomers Marco Rubio, Rand Paul, Mike Lee, Pat Toomey, and Ron Johnson as well as veteran Jim DeMint could be an ultraconservative force pushing against the moderate Republican leadership. Republican Senate minority leader, Mitch McConnell, has already caved to Tea Party pressure and supported an earmark ban, despite previously defending the practice. This could be the first of many instances where the Tea Party prevails over Republican leadership. In the House of Representatives, freshman members Kristi Noem and Tim Scott, both of whom received Tea Party backing, have been given leadership posts in the new Boehner- led majority.

Where does energy policy fit into this new establishment?  Senator McConnell and President Obama have already indicated that energy is an issue where both sides might be able to achieve compromise. But where does the Tea Party stand on energy issues? At first glance, the rise of the Tea Party presents a gloomy picture for environmentalists; however, energy policy may be one of the few issues that politicians with starkly different ideologies will be able to achieve progress.

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A New Era of “Post-Partisan Power”?

Written by Daniel Goldfarb and Clifton YinPost-Partisan Power Thumbnail-thumb-200x257

Post-Partisan Power,” a report released today by the unlikely triumvirate of the Breakthrough Institute, American Enterprise Institute, and Brookings Institution, provides the most compelling argument to date for a bipartisan energy agenda.  National hyper partisanship has made it difficult to bring the right and left together on any issue.  But the death of cap and trade this summer provides a renewed opportunity for a united American energy agenda. The report’s press release lays out a list of policy goals that both sides of the aisle can get behind:

“The new report calls for increasing federal innovation investment from roughly $4 today to $25 billion annually, and using military procurement, new, disciplined deployment incentives, and public-private hubs to achieve both incremental improvements and breakthroughs in clean energy technologies.”

Most Americans can agree on the appeal of innovating clean energy technologies, creating new jobs in America, staving off environmental catastrophe, and freeing our nation from dependence on foreign sources of energy.  Where cap and trade went wrong was insisting that these goals could only be accomplished by raising the price of carbon emitting energy sources.  But not only was cap and trade not the only means of accomplishing these goals, according to the New York Times’s assessment of “Post-Partisan Power”, it may not have even been the most effective:

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